pentru cap si pentru inima, peromaneste sau in original, fara prescriptie peromaneste
Traducere // Translate
Democracy is in crisis, but blaming fake news is not the answer
| Evgeny Morozov
Democracy
is drowning in fake news. This is the latest reassuring conclusion
drawn by those on the losing side of 2016, from Brexit to the US
elections to the Italian referendum. Apparently, all these
earnest, honest and unfashionably rational grownups are losing elections
because of a dangerous epidemic of fake news, internet memes and funny
YouTube videos. For this crowd, the problem is not that the Titanic of
democratic capitalism is sailing in dangerous waters; its potential
sinking can never be discussed in polite society anyway. Rather, it’s
that there are far too many false reports about giant icebergs on the
horizon. Hence the recent surfeit of misguided solutions: ban internet
memes (proposed by Spain’s ruling party); establish commissions of
experts to rule on the veracity of news (a solution floated by Italy’s
antitrust chief); set up centres of defence against fake news while
fining the likes of Twitter and Facebook for spreading them (an approach
suggested by German authorities).
This last proposal is a great
way to incentivise Facebook to promote freedom of expression – the same
Facebook that has recently censored a photo of the nude statute of Neptune
in the centre of Bologna for being too obscene! A tip for authoritarian
governments: if you want to get away with online censorship, just label
any articles you do not like as fake news and no one in the west will
ever complain about it.
Will the fake news crisis be the cause of
democracy’s collapse? Or is it just a consequence of a deeper,
structural malaise that has been under way for much longer? While it’s
hard to deny that there’s a crisis, whether it’s a crisis of fake news
or of something else entirely is a question that every mature democracy
should be asking.
Our elites are having none of it. Their fake
news narrative is itself fake: it’s a shallow explanation of a complex,
systemic problem, the very existence of which they still refuse to
acknowledge. The ease with which mainstream institutions, from ruling
parties to thinktanks to the media, have converged upon “fake news” as
their preferred lens on the unfolding crisis says a lot about the
impermeability of their world view.
The big threat facing western
societies today is not so much the emergence of illiberal democracy
abroad as the persistence of immature democracy at home. This
immaturity, exhibited almost daily by the elites, manifests itself in
two types of denial: the denial of the economic origins of most of
today’s problems; and the denial of the profound corruption of
professional expertise.
The first type manifests itself whenever
phenomena like Brexit or Donald Trump’s electoral success are ascribed
primarily to cultural factors such as racism or voter ignorance. The
second type denies that the immense frustration many people feel towards
existing institutions stems not from their not knowing the whole truth
about how they operate but, rather, from knowing it all too well.
Blinded
by these two denials, policymakers prescribe more of what alienates
voters in the first place: more expertise, more centralisation, more
regulation. But, since they can’t think in terms of political economy,
they inevitably end up regulating the wrong things. The moral
panic around fake news illustrates how these two denials condemn
democracy to perpetual immaturity. The refusal to acknowledge that the
crisis of fake news has economic origins makes the Kremlin – rather than
the unsustainable business model of digital capitalism – everyone’s
favourite scapegoat. But isn’t it obvious that no amount of foreign interference –
by Russia or any other government – could produce viral news at scale?
There have always been crazy movements (remember Lyndon LaRouche?)
that lived and breathed fake news. What they lacked was not the
political and financial cover from Russia but, rather, today’s powerful
digital infrastructure, lavishly subsidised by online advertising, for
making their crazy theories go viral.
The problem is not fake news
but the speed and ease of its dissemination, and it exists primarily
because today’s digital capitalism makes it extremely profitable – look
at Google and Facebook – to produce and circulate false but click-worthy
narratives.
To recast the fake news crisis this way, however,
would require the establishment to transcend one of their denials and
dabble in the political economy of communications. And who wants to
acknowledge that, for the past 30 years, it has been the political
parties of the centre-left and centre-right that touted the genius of
Silicon Valley, privatised telecommunications and adopted a rather lax
attitude to antitrust enforcement? The second type of denial turns
a blind eye to the corruption of today’s expert-based knowledge. When
thinktanks gladly accept funds from foreign governments; when energy
firms fund dubious research on climate change; when even the Queen –
what a populist, she – questions the entire economics profession; when
the media regularly take marching orders from PR agencies and political
spin doctors; when financial regulators and European commissioners leave
their jobs to work on Wall Street – could anyone really blame the
citizens for being sceptical of “experts”?
It only gets worse when
charges of fake news come from the media, which, due to the dismal
economics of digital publishing, regularly run dubious “news” of their
own. Take the Washington Post, that rare paper that claims to
be profitable these days. What it has gained in profitability, it seems
to have lost in credibility.
Having recklessly described many serious online outlets as Russian propaganda – based in part on a report by the anonymous organisation PropOrNot
– it has recently warned about damaging Russian cyberattacks on a power
grid in Vermont (in a report followed in other media outlets, including the Observer). It seems that those attacks didn’t happen and that the Washington Postdidn’t even bother to check with the grid operator.
Apparently, an economy ruled by online advertising has produced its own
theory of truth: truth is whatever produces most eyeballs.
To
hear professional journalists complain about this problem without
acknowledging their own culpability further undermines one’s faith in
expertise. Democracy may or may not be drowning in fake news, but it’s
definitely drowning in elite hypocrisy.
Caught between the two
denials, the elites will never stop searching for innovative solutions
to the problem of fake news – much as they never stopped searching for
innovative solutions to climate change. The two issues do have a certain
similarity: just as climate change is the natural byproduct of fossil
capitalism, so is fake news the byproduct of digital capitalism. It
won’t take long for some genius policy entrepreneur, fed up with the
authoritarian nature of current proposals, to unleash the genius of free
markets on this problem. Why not, say, establish a post-truth emissions
trading scheme, where news organisations could trade their
government-issued fake news permits? Ridiculous, yes; ineffective, yes –
but the scheme would surely receive major social innovation prizes.
The
only solution to the problem of fake news that neither misdiagnoses the
problem nor overpowers the elites is to completely rethink the
fundamentals of digital capitalism. We need to make online advertising –
and its destructive click-and-share drive – less central to how we
live, work and communicate. At the same time, we need to delegate more
decision-making power to citizens – rather than the easily corruptible
experts and venal corporations. This means building a world where
Facebook and Google neither wield much clout nor monopolise
problem-solving. A formidable task worthy of mature democracies. Alas,
the existing democracies, stuck in their denials of various kinds,
prefer to blame everyone but themselves while offloading more and more
problems to Silicon Valley.
Niciun comentariu:
Trimiteți un comentariu